03
Mar 24

Is Eyewitness Testimony Trustworthy?

An account provided by individuals of an event they have personally observed, is referred to as eyewitness testimony in legal terminology. They might be asked to explain a robbery trial or a traffic accident that they witnessed, for instance. This covers information on the crime scene, the identity of the offenders, etc. Research on eyewitness testimony is crucial for understanding human memory and cognitive psychology. Eyewitness testimony is typically given careful consideration by juries, who view it as a trustworthy source of information. However, studies in this field have shown that a variety of psychological factors can influence eyewitness testimony, none more so than Reconstructive Memory.

Knowledge of the validity of eyewitness testimony requires a knowledge of, Frederic Bartlett’s theory of reconstructive memory, which claimed that recall is open to individual interpretation based on taught or cultural norms and values, as well as how we view the world.

Individuals organize information according to what makes the most sense to them. We try to fit information into schemas, which are ways of organizing data, to make sense of it. Schemas are conceptual “units” of information that correlate to individuals, things, or circumstances that are encountered often. Prejudice and social values may have an influence on these schemas. Thus, schemas have the power to skew new or unintentionally “unacceptable” information to make it “fit in” with our preexisting knowledge or schemas. Consequently, this may lead to eyewitness testimony that is not trustworthy.

The legal community, law enforcement, and psychologists have collaborated to try and improve the accuracy and reliability of eyewitness testimony. Eyewitness memory significantly improved when researchers Geiselman, Fisher, MacKinnon, and Holland used an interviewing technique they called the Cognitive interview (CI). The strategy aims to inform witnesses of all the circumstances surrounding a crime without fabricating information or creating false memories. This method involves the interviewer getting to know the witness before posing any questions. The witness is then given the opportunity to provide an unrestricted account of what happened. The interviewer then probes further to get further details from the witness and reassures them that it’s okay to express uncertainty and move on. This method leads the witness, instead of following a strict expectation that the witness must recall every detail.

Correct implementation of the cognitive interview results in increased efficiency and accuracy of eyewitness testimony without the generation of extra false information.

 

References

Bartlett, F.C. (1932). Remembering: A Study in Experimental and Social Psychology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Geiselman, R.; Fisher, Ronald; MacKinnon, David; Holland, Heidi (1986). “Enhancement of eyewitness memory with the cognitive interview”. American Journal of Psychology99 (3): 385–401

Ghetti, S.; Goodman, G. S.; Schaaf, J. M.; Qin, J. (2004). “Issues In Eyewitness Testimony”. In O’Donohue, W. T.; Levensky, E. R. (eds.). Handbook of Forensic Psychology. San Diego, CA: Elsevier Academic Press. p. 532.

Wells, G. L.; Memon, A.; Penrod, S. D. (2006). “Eyewitness Evidence: Improving Its Probative Value”. Psychological Science in the Public Interest7 (2): 45–75.


28
Feb 24

The Reid Technique

In investigative interviewing, police conduct interviews with suspects or witnesses to gather information on a case. When doing so, they use specific techniques to gain information and for suspects to gain a confession. A major method that is used is the reid technique.

The Reid technique consists of three parts. The factual analysis, behavioral analysis interview, and interrogation (Orlando, n.d.). The factual analysis requires the police officers to gather factual information relating to the crime. Along with that, it evaluates and investigates the suspect themself. So, a factual analysis may look at a suspect’s age, race, social status, marital status, and gender. A factual analysis may also investigate possible motives, evaluate evidence both physical and circumstantial, and consider if the suspect had the opportunity to commit the crime (Orlando, n.d.). Ultimately, the factual analysis assists in gaining a confession during an interrogation. 

In terms of the behavioral analysis interview, it is a set of questions that investigators use during an interrogation. The questions are formatted to be non-accusatory and avoid being misleading (Orlando, n.d.). Especially since this can cause the misinformation effect. The misinformation effect refers to an individual recalling a disrupted memory due to leading information provided by someone else (Gruman, 2016). The behavior analysis begins with background questions that lead to more provoking questions. Investigators do this, so they are able to distinguish differing behavior and determine if a suspect is being deceitful.

On the other hand, the interrogation itself only occurs if an investigator is reasonably certain of a suspect’s guilt. Once an investigator is positive of a suspect’s, the interrogation stage can occur. Within the interrogation stage, there’s 9 steps. Steps range from a positive confrontation with the suspect to an oral and written confession (Orlando, n.d.). In essence, the three components of the Reid technique assist in investigators gaining information about a case and a confession by a suspect.

Gruman, J. A., Schneider, F. W., & Coutts, L. M. (Eds.). (2016). Applied social psychology: Understanding and addressing social and practical problems. SAGE Publications, Incorporated.

Orlando, J. (n.d.). Interrogation techniques. Connecticut General Assembly . https://www.cga.ct.gov/2014/rpt/2014-R-0071.htm


13
Oct 21

The Real Danger of False Confessions

Would you ever confess to doing something you didn’t actually do? Sure, maybe there are a few specific situations where you might falsely confess to something, like if you are trying to cover for a friend or you just want to move on from a situation. But what if the confession leads to years in prison? Surely no one would make a false confession when it has lifelong consequences, right? Unfortunately, that is not the case. As discussed by Leo (2009), despite the difficulty of definitively proving a criminal confession was false, previous research has found about 300 proven cases of false confessions. However, there are likely many more unproven false confessions that plague our criminal justice system. On the surface, false confessions seem to make no logical sense. After all, why would anyone confess to a crime they didn’t commit?

It may help to consider what the experience of being interrogated is like. Interrogations are not like friendly conversations you have with friends and acquaintances. It can be terrifying to have police officers ask you so many questions at once, especially if you are innocent and have no idea what is going on. The Innocence Project (2021) lists several factors that lead to false confessions, including intimidation or use of force by law enforcement, fear, stress, exhaustion, and even downright devious interrogation techniques. The interrogation process puts a lot of pressure on people, regardless of whether they are innocent or not. Most people do not want to go to prison for a crime they did not commit, but if the interrogation pushes them far beyond their breaking point, they may just falsely confess to finally get it over with. Unfortunately, these false confessions can bias the entire process against an innocent person.

Some may argue that false confessions would be corrected by the process. After all, if a confession is truly false, the evidence would reveal that during a trial, wouldn’t it? Given that the investigation, analysis of evidence, and trial were done very carefully, they may be able to weed out a false confession. However, as discussed by Gruman, Schneider, & Coutts (2017), confessions often cause forensic confirmation biases in the investigation process as people tend to look for or provide evidence consistent with the confession while ignoring or “discouraging” contradictory evidence (pg. 301). To investigators, the confession may serve as the narrative of how the crime happened. They may search for evidence that helps them reconstruct the scene as it was described in the confession. This does not bode well for an innocent person falsely confessing to a crime, as investigators may find new evidence and interpret it in a way that seems to prove that the innocent person did the crime. Even if they wanted to retract their false confession later, the “evidence” of that confession would still put them at a serious disadvantage in the final trial.

Could juries see through false confessions and spare an innocent life from prison or worse? They could if they were cognizant of the possibility that a confession was not genuine and carefully examined the conditions of the confession. Unfortunately, people tend to have trouble looking at the external factors of behavior. As discussed by Gruman et al. (2017), juries are prone to the fundamental attribution error, the human tendency to attribute behaviors more to internal factors and not enough external influences, when a confession is presented during a trial. (pg. 301) When someone confesses, jurors only focus on the suspect and assume that they were the sole factor in their own decision to confess. They may visualize the confession as the image viewed above this paragraph. Jurors may fail to consider the context of the interrogation environment or the possibility of the suspect being coerced into a confession, as visualized below. If a jury is unaware of the possibility of false confessions, then there is very little chance, if any, of them being able to save an innocent life from their own false confession.

Jason Stout (2014)

False confessions are a real concern in the criminal justice system. Research has proven that they do happen, possibly because of coercive interrogation tactics, and that they can bias both the investigation and the trial against an innocent person. Not only does it likely result in an innocent person being thrown in prison for something they didn’t do, but it also means that the real perpetrator gets away with their crime unpunished! What can we do about it? In regards to the investigation process, it might help to separate the law enforcement officials who interrogate suspects from those who are interviewing witnesses and gathering evidence for as long as possible. It might make the investigation take a little longer, but it would help prevent false confessions from biasing the rest of the investigation and leading investigators away from the true offender. In terms of the trial, it might help to describe how the interrogation leading up to a confession was conducted or show the jury a video of the room during the interrogation. Directing their attention to the situation may help a jury overcome the fundamental attribution error and carefully consider whether an interrogation could have forced a confession out of an innocent person. These changes can help reduce the impact a false confession has on the entire process and can potentially save innocent people from going behind bars for crimes that they never committed.

 

References

Gruman, J. A., Schneider, F. W., & Coutts, L. M. (2017). Applied social psychology: Understanding and addressing social and practical problems. Los Angeles: SAGE.

Innocence Project. (2021, May 25). False Confessions & Recording Of Custodial Interrogations. Retrieved from https://innocenceproject.org/false-confessions-recording-interrogations/

Leo, R. A. (2009). False Confessions: Causes, Consequences, and Implications. Journal of the American Academy of Psychiatry and the Law Online, 37(3), 332-343. Retrieved from http://jaapl.org/content/37/3/332

Stout, J. (2014, April 25). [A suspect manipulated into a false confession]. Retrieved from https://www.austinchronicle.com/news/2014-04-25/when-confessions-prove-false/


20
Oct 19

Criminal Justice Reform

With nearly 2.3 million prisoners behind bars, the United States has the highest incarceration rate in the world. In context, that means more than in Communist China, Russia, or India.

The cry for criminal justice reform has been growing louder ever since the introduction of mandatory minimum sentences during the Clinton administration of the 90s. As expected, both Congress and the Senate have been slow to act.

It is therefore incredibly surprising, that despite all of the posturing and political vitriol being hurled across the aisles of Washington, the First Step Act was signed into law by the unlikeliest of presidents – Donald Trump.

Bipartisanism in an age of Tribalism

 

In the news media, hot button topics grab the most headlines. This ranges from health care and gun control to immigration and the economy. Yet under the surface, politicians are cooperating at an unprecedented rate, working together to compromise and pass legislation with support from all political strips.

The Numbers Don’t Add Up

 

Gathering accurate statistics about federal criminal justice metrics is easier to accomplish but there remains a glaring blind spot. Data about local criminal justice is often incredibly limited, inconsistent and not easily accessible to the public or policymakers.

So although at the federal level, the First Step Act will go along way to set new standards going forward, it does nothing retroactively and requires extensive time and consideration to adjust policies to be effective at state and local levels.

In the meantime, that means more lives being destroyed, more resources wasted, and more tax dollars being ineffectively thrown into a black hole of criminal justice opacity. Just when the light at the end of the tunnel will be reached for many inmates is still impossible to gauge. Furthermore, an entire swath of inmates has been entirely excluded from the reforms being cemented into law by the legislation.

High-risk groups, who would benefit the most from additional resources for productive programs are ineligible because of their status. Whereas low-risk inmates are afforded the utmost opportunity to reduce their time spent behind bars.

As expected, this bias also trends towards worsening the racial divide in the prison system, with more black Americans being labeled as dangerous, high-risk felons than white inmates.

A Road Paved With Good Intentions

 

One of the major focuses of the First Step Act is the shift in the application of mandatory minimum sentences. Historically, prosecutors were given discretion when choosing which charges to file and thus what sentencing recommendations would be available to a Judge. The Judge would then be required to follow the existing edict.

With the First Step Act, discretion goes back to the person wearing the robe and for the first time, a fair and impartial arbitrator can decide what level of sentencing is appropriate. This also serves to remove a coercive tool from a prosecutor’s toolbox. No longer can they threaten an accused individual with a mandatory minimum sentence as a way to extort a guilty plea, even if the accused is innocent.

The Next Step

 

Looking ahead, it is logical to conclude that a “Step Two Act” will be following on the heels of this groundbreaking legislation. What this hypothetical Act would look like and what problems it would address is up for debate.

In her book “Prisoners of Politics: Breaking the Cycle of Mass Incarceration”, author Rachel Barkow suggests that the glaring problems still needing to be addressed include resources for “High-risk” prisoners, a path to freedom other than clemency for those existing prisoners who were unfairly prosecuted and quantification of the effectiveness of the Criminal Justice system at all levels so that measuring efficacy can be achieved with transparency.

This seems like a tall order to fill, especially since the industry of private prisons will always attempt to block any kind of scrutinization of their business practices. But politics and money be damned.

Building Solutions

 

The solution to overcoming these obstacles is to show the narrative for what it is. That the Criminal Justice system is so broken and harmful that people from all levels of society are being persecuted. By broadening the issue to be about human rights, and not focusing as strongly on the bias against ethnic minority groups – which undeniably exists – there emerges a clear cause for every American to rally behind.

Highlighting clear points of congruency and cooperation will always supply a better outcome for changing this broken system. As the ultimate example of this, look at the bipartisan support exercised for the passage of the First Step Act.


03
Mar 19

The Racialization of Arrests

Have you ever done anything illegal? Have you ever thought you would be arrested for doing something illegal? What about being arrested for “just looking suspicious”? If you are a white individual in America, especially if you are male, you have probably never worried about being arrested and view the police as protectors who keep your city safe. Change the color of your skin and suddenly you have to worry about being arrested for doing nothing more than standing on a street corner in a high crime neighborhood. Police are now no longer the saviors of the city, keeping you safe at night; they are your worst nightmare, brought to life in the bright light of day. “Blacks are far more likely to be arrested than any other racial group in the USA. In some places, dramatically so” (Heath, 2014).

There is no telling exactly why there is such a dramatic disparate in arrest rates, it could be racial discrimination, it could be socio-economic factors, the neighborhood you live in, or the amount of education you have received (Heath, 2014). Whatever factor you place the blame on, or if you place blame on all the factors, the fact remains the same: the United States’ Criminal Justice System has a problem, a big one.

The U.S. prison population looks very different from the country’s actual demographics. According to the Pew Research Center (2018), blacks represent 12% of U.S. adults, but 33% of the sentenced prison population whereas whites represent 64% of adults in the U.S., but only 30% of prisoners. This discrepancy is astounding, but imprisonment rates themselves are not the only bad news for African Americans. Criminal records have a huge impact on future success, and the negative impact created by a criminal record is twice as large for African Americans (NAACP, 2019).

The outcry from the communities about this injustice has caused many police departments to implement anti-bias training, but is this an effective way to reduce the rates of African American incarceration? There are studies out there that suggest that training someone to not show racial bias could potentially actually increase racial bias (Kaste, 2015). Also, there has not been much research on the long-term effects of anti-bias training on police, so there is no guarantee that these trainings are actually effective (Kaste, 2015). Besides, police bias may not be the main cause of African American incarceration.

African Americans make up a large percentage of the low-income population, which decreases the opportunities available to them. The percentage of young black men not working or enrolled in school is twice as high as it is for young white men (Comey, 2015). Many minority communities are struggling with lack of adequate education and decent employment opportunities (Comey, 2015). Not only that, but these low-income neighborhoods have a legacy of crime and the minority individuals growing up in these neighborhoods inherit that legacy and become involved in crime (Comey, 2015).

Police bias is part of the problem, but the way our society is structured is the main culprit in this mess. In addition to changing our policing policies, we need to work together to help the disadvantaged groups in our society gain more opportunities so that they can break out of the cycle of crime and poverty.

 

References:

Comey, J. (2015, February 12). Hard Truths: Law Enforcement and Race. Retrieved from https://www.fbi.gov/news/speeches/hard-truths-law-enforcement-and-race

Gramlich, J. (2018, January 12). Gap between number of blacks, whites in prison narrows. Retrieved from http://www.pewresearch.org/fact-tank/2018/01/12/shrinking-gap-between-number-of-blacks-and-whites-in-prison/

Heath, B. (2014, November 19). Racial gap in U.S. arrest rates: ‘Staggering disparity’. Retrieved from https://www.usatoday.com/story/news/nation/2014/11/18/ferguson-black-arrest-rates/19043207/

Kaste, M. (2015, April 06). Police Officers Debate Effectiveness Of Anti-Bias Training. Retrieved from https://www.npr.org/2015/04/06/397891177/police-officers-debate-effectiveness-of-anti-bias-training

NAACP. (2019). Criminal Justice Fact Sheet. Retrieved from https://www.naacp.org/criminal-justice-fact-sheet/

 

 


01
Mar 19

Child Sexual Abuse Allegations and the Courts

Her toddler comes home from visits with dad and every time there are new symptoms.  Anal fissures, a child screaming in pain during diaper changes, even on rare occasions disclosures of what daddy did.  Along with evidence of coercion like, “daddy said say nobody and nothing.  Nobody and nothing.”  But this falls on deaf ears.  When a mother speaks up and says this is what my child did or said, she is viciously attacked, sometimes even by her own lawyer.

Child sexual abuse is one of the worst things I can imagine happening.  The victim is defenseless, has no power, and the tiny voice they do have is not listened to by those who should protect her.  She pleads at times, “Mommy, help me!”  But her mother is just as defenseless.  Subjugated to a system where money is power, maleness is power, whiteness is power.  Without these, she is reduced to depending on those in power and if they refuse to help, she has few options.  Many lawyers even counsel their female clients to be quiet about abuse.  The message mothers keep getting is, “Stop talking.  Be quiet.  Don’t bring it up.”

Some mothers flee.  Ireland has a no extradition policy.  As does the Netherlands.  One adult survivor of childhood sexual abuse described her terror and pain during childhood and praised her valiant mother for fleeing with her and her brother overseas to the Netherlands.  She’s come through it well, thanks to the healing balm of being in her mother’s safe care, and now speaks up on behalf of the thousands of child victims still in this plight.

It’s easy to think: this can’t really be accurate.  This doesn’t happen.  Not in America.  Stop and think: where do you think all the child porn comes from?  Certainly not from families where good parents are protecting their kids.  Statistics of adults reveal that up to 1/3 have been sexually abused, most as children.  Yes, these things are happening.  Many child sexual abuse allegations are substantiated, to the tune of one every 11 minutes, with 80% of perpetrators being a parent (Children and teens, n.d.).

The disconnect comes in when there is also domestic abuse.  Going through family court and custody litigation with an abusive partner has proven devastating and even fatal to many mothers and children.  Most divorces end up with a couple agreeing on terms including custody.  A small percentage end up litigating and most of those are called High Conflict Divorces.  But research has shown that 75% of high conflict divorce cases are of marriages in which there was abuse.  Which makes sense.  Separating from an abusive spouse does not make the abuse stop.  Abuse can be simply reactive, in which a spouse explodes in seemingly uncontrollable anger.  The question is, do they control that anger outside the home?  Does the abusive person go around exploding in anger at other people?  If not then he is actually very much in control of his anger; he chooses when and where to use it.  And it is frequently used in his home to control others.  The basis of domestic abuse or domestic violence or intimate partner violence, all synonyms, is power and control.  One spouse learned as a child that the way to treat people, especially women, is through domination and control tactics.  These tactics continue in court, and lead to a minority of men in custody disputes using the system to hurt the mother by hurting the children.  A sense of entitlement causes him to view his wife and children as his property.  Combine this with a man who is molesting his children and what you have is an entitled child molester who is very good at presenting a rational demeanor to a court that does not want to believe he is hurting children.  The saying goes like this: a woman can have 1000 pieces of evidence and all a man has to do is say “I didn’t do it” and the court says “ok then.”

There are two camps when it comes to child sexual abuse allegations in family court.  One group says we must investigate abuse claims and protect children.  The other camp says these claims are being fabricated in order to remove one parent’s rights to see the children.  Each of these stances has a different primary goal.

Child protection as the goal

If child protection and safety is the primary goal, then any claims of abuse from either parent will be taken seriously.  The court or child protection services will do an investigation into the abuse claims.  This investigation will be done in a manner consistent with current psychological standards and be done by experts in the field of abuse.  For example, in the case of claims of child sexual abuse or molestation, the standard best practice is to evaluate evidence including a history of any abuse toward the child or mother, a history of sexualized behaviors by child, alterations in other behaviors of child as well as physical evidence.  Forensic interviewing can be used with children over the age of three.  Children do not always disclose in the interviews but this does not mean that there was no abuse.  Children are more likely to disclose if they feel safe, which would include keeping them in the custody of the non-alleged abusive parent (the safe parent) and repeating interviews with the same interviewer so that the child feels safe with them.  If child abuse claims are validated, the court has a responsibility to keep the children safe.  One form of safety is supervised visitation to ensure safety while still allowing parental access.

Parental rights as the goal

If parental rights and parental access is the primary goal, then abuse claims tend to be minimized so that parents will continue to have access to their children.  In order to avoid investigating claims, many courts and many judges go the route of focusing on the accuser, typically the mother.  Several methods are routinely used to discredit a mother’s allegations of abuse, so that the claims are not fully investigated and the children can continue to see the father unsupervised.  Munchausen by proxy is used to claim that the mother is making up allegations because of her own traumatic past and projecting this on the child.  Mothers are said to be coaching the child to disclose abuse.  The most frequently used way to discredit abuse allegations is by using the term alienation.  Parental alienation syndrome was a term coined by Richard Gardner to describe a scenario in which one parent deliberately tries to turn a child against the other parent usually by using false abuse allegations.  This has become a standard argument to combat abuse allegations, effectually dismissing them without investigation (Meier & Dickson, 2017).  However, research shows that less than 4% of abuse claims are actually fabricated and when they are, it is usually by fathers (Trocmé & Bala, 2005).

Joan Meier, professor of law at George Washington University in Virginia ran an extensive study that researched thousands of child custody disputes.  They evaluated what happened when either gender parent brought up concerns of abuse as well as alienation.  Findings show a clear gender bias in courts.  Evidence overwhelmingly showed that when mothers brought up any abuse claims, a high percentage ended up losing custody completely.  Contrarily when fathers made abuse allegations, they tended to win custody.  Additionally, when mothers, but not fathers, claimed child sexual abuse (beyond physical abuse), they lost custody even more frequently.  On the other hand, fathers frequently brought up claims of alienation to combat abuse allegations and were overwhelmingly successful in winning custody (Meier & Dickson, 2017).  It seems courts would rather believe that a mother is making up abuse allegations than believe that a father could do those things.  It’s as though the judgment call is one of what a judge thinks rather than one of evaluating evidence.

Family courts are not set up to investigate criminal matters. When sexual abuse of children is alleged, that becomes a criminal matter and should really be examined by criminal investigators who have the resources to fully investigate. Forensic evidence such as DNA samples and systematic interrogations can be obtained by them in a way that the family court doesn’t have access to.

The adversarial model of court proceedings common in the United States is when there are two sets of lawyers arguing against each other and their clients (Schneider, Gruman, & Coutts, 2012).  Contrarily the inquisitorial model is when the judge heads up an investigation by questioning all parties involved (Adversarial system, n.d.).  This would be another option for courts to determine whether child sexual abuse is really taking place. Rather than allow high paid lawyers for one party (typically the father) to denigrate low paid lawyers for the other party (typically the mother), the entire court could work together to investigate whether the allegations are true.  Either way, experts should be involved.  Psychologists trained to recognize child sexual abuse should be consulted in the manner of how to investigate and what patterns constitute abuse.  Our children depend on the voices and courage of the adults our system places in power.

 

References

Adversarial system.  (n.d.).  APA dictionary of psychology.  Retrieved on Mar. 1, 2019 from: https://dictionary.apa.org/adversarial-system.

Children and teens: Statistics (n.d.).  Rainn.  Retrieved on Mar. 1, 2019 from: https://www.rainn.org/statistics/children-and-teens.

Meier, J. S., & Dickson, S. (2017). Mapping gender: Shedding empirical light on family courts’ treatment of cases involving abuse and alienation. Law & Inequality, 35(2), 311.

Schneider, F., Gruman, J., & Coutts, L.  (2012).  Applied social psychology: Understanding and addressing social and practical problems.  Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.

Trocmé, N., & Bala, N. (2005). False allegations of abuse and neglect when parents separate. Child Abuse & Neglect, 29(12), 1333-1345.


14
Oct 18

Guilty or not guilty?

Many people are guilty of being biased and can experience generic prejudice, especially when on jury duty. However, you don’t have to be a juror to experience this. There is generic prejudice even when just watching a trial on television, but that depends on what kind of a trial it is. For example, sexual abuse and homicide trials are the ones that seem to get the most attention. Those are especially difficult for jurors and it can be difficult to not be biased. For example, the moment we heard about a woman named Casey Anthony and her dead daughter, most of us said that she must be guilty of murdering her own child. We did this without listening to the facts of the case first. Personally, that is exactly what I thought (and still do). I don’t have children, but I used to work with kids, so I am protective.

Emotions can also be sparked during a homicide or sexual abuse case. We conclude right away that the person on trial must be guilty when it’s something so severe. This can be due to personal experience, or we know someone who went through that, we know a survivor, etc. In most cases, we are right to be biased and think that they must be guilty (which they are most of the time, I think), but there are cases where this would not be the truth. Sometimes there are people on trial who were accused of something so horrible, but end up being innocent. Generic prejudice can put an innocent person behind bars and it can make choosing the right jury a difficult task.

According to an article by Neil Vidmar, “Jurors do not approach the trial as empty receptacles who passively listen to the evidence and decide cases independently of their past experience, knowledge, and awareness of community norms” (Vidmar, 2003). Sexual abuse and homicide cases aren’t the only ones though. Generic prejudice also includes racism, which can affect someone of a different race/culture who is on trial. For example, many people established a negative view of Muslims after September 11th. Although only a particular group of muslims was responsible, an entire faith and people were punished for it. Completely innocent people who had nothing to do with the horrible tragedy that took place in 2001. “Research indicates that events that cause strong negative emotions, or that threaten people’s cultural world view, affect the way that these schemas operate” (Vidmar, 2003).

Basically, people who are racist or have strong views that they can’t put aside, would not make a great addition to a jury. A jury should be open minded and not have any strong views one way or another. If someone absolutely hates muslims, for example, and is supposed to be a juror on a case where an innocent muslim is being charged for a crime, how could they make sure that they give that person a fair trial? The same can be said if someone is accused of murder, and they are guilty, but a juror can’t find them guilty based on various reasons (same ethnicity, background, culture, etc.). It’s no wonder that selecting the right jury can take some time, but this is something to keep in mind if you are called in for jury duty.

 

 

References

Neil Vidmar. When All of Us Are Victims: Juror Prejudice and Terrorist Trials, 78 Chi.-Kent L.Rev.1143 (2003). Available at: https://scholarship.kentlaw.iit.edu/cklawreview/vol78/iss3/10

03
Mar 17

Personality Disorders at the Interface of Psychiatry and the Law

The relationship between mental illness and causation of crime has been a popular topic among forensic psychiatrists and the justice system.  Pin pointing a direct cause for problematic behavior is mostly caused by a varying degree of personality disorders within legal contexts.  Personality disorders are defined as, “a type of mental disorder in which you have a rigid and unhealthy pattern of thinking, functioning, and behaving (Mayo Clinic, 2016).” Furthermore, the Criminology Resource Center explains criminal behavior in relation to four criteria: “First, the act is prohibited by law and punished by the state.  Next, it is considered to violate a moral or religious code and is considered punishable by a supreme spiritual being.  Third, the act violates norms of society or tradition and it punishable by a community.  Finally, it causes serious psychological stress of mental damage to the victim (Regis, 2017).” The context within this blog entry will address how personality disorders are implicated in forensic cases, as well as analyze how such disorders are viewed in different legal contexts (Johnson & Elbogen, 2013).

 

The evaluation process of different mental disorders is not viewed equally through forensic law.  At which point should flawed personality traits be considered an illness by a certified psychiatric diagnosis?  When is a personality disorder considered to cross the line into becoming an abnormal or severe condition?  Relatively, the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) is used to systematically organize diagnostic categories of certain mental disorders.    Individuals must meet established criterion in order to be legally classified with that particular ailment.  The DSM6’s definition of personality traits as, “ensuring patterns of perceiving, relating to, and thinking about the environment and one’s self that are exhibited in a wide range of social and personal contexts (Johnson & Elbogen, 2013).”  Relatively, personality traits are considered to be mental disorders (clinically and by the law) IF they show a precedence of impairments to overall functioning, resemble faulty adaptive constituents, and present distress on a continuum.  In many cases, mental illnesses can revise the definition of the law relevant to particular criminal and civil aspects.  Clinical Neuroscience report declares that, “classification and specific definitions of personality disorders can have a major impact on how and when they serve as modifiers [for the law] (Johnson & Elbogen, 2013).”  Conclusively, the legal system’s perception of understanding the relationship between mental health and law is determined by considering the different mechanisms of functional impairment relative to a specific person.

 

Personality disorders play a significant role in legal assessments of criminal behavior.  Clinical conceptions of personality disorders attempt to explain the criminal justice system.  Additionally, the role of mental health in varying testimonies is determined by the severity of functional impairment as a causative agent of criminal behavior and other social controversies.  Mental illness has been considered the key to understanding and potentially eradicating crime.  What is the current state of acceptance for assessing personality disorders within a forensic context?  Essentially, the law develops a basis for which personality disorders hold practical significance for litigations within the court of justice.  Clinical Neuroscience justifies the code of law as, “a system that must be applicable across diverse situations and populations (Johnson & Elbogen).”  Additionally, the law addresses the impact that these disorders may have on individual’s behavioral constituents, as well as implicating that people are responsible for their own actions.  Where does the jury draw the line on what is tolerated or accepted behavior, or what crosses into a realm of symptoms from psychological distress?  Psychiatric components and the law describe behavior as either “within or outside the norm, and define behavior as acceptable or not.”

 

Personality disorders are affected by various social pressures and societal means.  Additionally, mental illness is a huge topic of interest in the study of criminal forensics because it reflects various causation principles for problematic behaviors.  It is crucial that the criminal justice system assesses the importance and reality of impaired mental health and its impact on behavior.  Although, the law must be consistent with their definition of mental illness as some criminals may claim to be mentally unstable as an excuse for their wrongdoings.  Contrarily, areas with increased crime rates typically have a high prevalence of personality dysfunction (Johnson & Elbogen, 2013).  In conclusion, mental health explains various concepts which underlie acts of criminal offense.  Forensic psychopathology is influenced by various neurological systems that coincide with discrepancies for the human mind, which results in the prevalence of certain behavioral traits.

 

 

 

 

 

 

APA CITATIONS

Johnson, S. C., Elbogen, E. B. (2013, June). Personality Disorders at the Interface of Psychiatry and the Law: Legal Use and Clinical Classification. Retrieved from https://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC3811091/

Regis. (2017, January 6). What is the definition of criminal behavior? Retrieved March 3, 2017, from http://criminology.regis.edu/criminology-programs/resources/crim-articles/definition-criminal-behavior

Clinic, M. (2016). Mayoclinic. Retrieved from http://www.mayoclinic.org/diseases-conditions/personality-disorders/home/ovc-20247654


12
Oct 16

[Criminal Justice] Yes on 62: Repeal the Death Penalty

yeson62logo

This November, voters in my home state of California will have two ballot measures to consider that will determine whether the state amends or repeals capital punishment. I will be voting “yes” on measure 62, which seeks to eliminate the death penalty. While the emotional desire to enact this ultimate punishment for murder can be strong, statistics demonstrate that it is an antiquated sentence that should be no longer be implemented. Here a just a few of the many reasons that capital punishment should be abolished not only in California, but across the United States.

It is racially-biased

The death penalty is a demonstrably racially-biased sentence. Study after study has shown that this sentence is disproportionally handed down to blacks convicted of murdering whites. In sum, “in 96% of states where there have been reviews of race and the death penalty, there was a pattern of either race-of-victim or race-of-defendant discrimination, or both (Center, 2016). Check out this link to see a number of startling infographics on this bias and other drawbacks to the death penalty: http://www.deathpenaltyinfo.org/documents/FactSheet.pdf .

It increases wrongful convictions

Both cognitive resource theory (Fiedler & Garcia, 1987) and generic prejudice (Vidmar & Schuller, 2001) increase the likelihood of jurors wrongfully convicting defendants in capital murder cases. This happens because the emotionally stressful nature of deliberating about the facts in a murder trial reduces a juror’s capacity to think rationally, because emotionally-charged facts are more salient than empirical facts. This in turn leads to a bias toward conviction based on the charges alone. Compounding this bias is the fact that jurors who are unwilling to impose a death sentence upon a guilty verdict are excused from serving on a capital case, yet “people who are able to give the death sentence as a punishment for a crime are much more likely to convict than the normal public” (PSU, 2016).

It doesn’t work

The possibility of receiving the death penalty seems like it would be an effective deterrent to murder, but this is an area where, again, the statistics reveal its inefficacy. For example, when surveyed, 88% of former and present presidents of the country’s top academic criminological societies rejected the notion that the death penalty acts as a deterrent to murder. (Radelet & Lacock, 2009, in Center, 2016). Why? As Freakonomics author Steven D. Levitt points out, “no rational criminal should be deterred by the death penalty, since the punishment is too distant and too unlikely to merit much attention” (Levitt, 2007). Incidentally, murder rates are lower in states without capital punishment (Center, 2016). No one wants to appear “soft on crime,” but when polled, even law enforcement officials concur that there are better ways to reduce violent crime (Center, 2016). http://www.deathpenaltyinfo.org/documents/FactSheet.pdf

 It’s expensive

Since California reenacted capital punishment in 1978, the state has spent approximately 5 billion dollars on death penalty cases and appeals, and has only executed 13 prisoners (“California proposition 62, repeal of the death penalty (2016),” 2016). No need to get out your calculator—that’s an astronomical $384,615,384 per execution. Repealing the death penalty in favor of a maximum sentence of life in prison without the possibility of parole is expected to save California taxpayers approximately 150 million dollars a year (“California proposition 62, repeal of the death penalty (2016),” 2016).

 

In short, abolishing capital punishment will not only lead to more accurate and equitable sentencing, but it will free up considerable financial resources as well. I can only imagine the reduction in violent crime that could occur if instead of acting on our desire to seek revenge for heinous crimes, we instead followed the recommendations of police chiefs, who believe that being able to hire and properly train more officers, along with greater access to social services, would be a much better use of funds. I hope that this fall California will join the other 30 states in which capital punishment is illegal.

Resources:

California proposition 62, repeal of the death penalty (2016). (2016). Retrieved October 12, 2016, from https://ballotpedia.org/California_Proposition_62,_Repeal_of_the_Death_Penalty_(2016)

Center, D. P. I. (2016). Deterrence: States without the death penalty have had consistently lower murder rates. Retrieved October 12, 2016, from http://www.deathpenaltyinfo.org/deterrence-states-without-death-penalty-have-had-consistently-lower-murder-rates

Levitt, S. D. (2007, June 11). Does the death penalty really reduce crime? Retrieved October 12, 2016, from Freakonomics Blog, http://freakonomics.com/2007/06/11/does-the-death-penalty-really-reduce-crime/

PSU WC. (2016). Lesson 8:  The Legal System/Criminal Justice [Online lecture]. Retrieved from https://psu.instructure.com/courses/1802487/modules/items/21234175

 


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