14
Apr 19

Smoking and Social Change Initiatives for Our Youth

“Cigarette smoking remains the leading cause of preventable death and disability in the United States, despite a significant decline in the number of people who smoke. Over 16 million Americans have at least one disease caused by smoking. This amounts to $170 billion in direct medical costs that could be saved every year if we could prevent youth from starting to smoke and help every person who smokes to quit” (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2018). Cigarette use in our youth population is a serious behavioral health issue, one that requires the combative focus of social action groups. The youth of today look to their community based social norms, their parental guidance, and to the facts illustrated through social media and news outlets for information on how to act and what is normalized behavior. There is a lot of information out there that generates supportive movements one way or another. If one were to look at centuries past, idealizing and promotion of smoking was common place. “There was a time when people didn’t know that smoking cigarettes could be deadly—a long time ago, doctors even recommended that people smoke to cure other illnesses” (National Institute of Health, 2009). Today, it is required by law in the United States that every cigarette carton state the health dangers and give great detail about the poisonous toxins that the body is subjected to when smoking.

In my youth and from personal experience, growing up in a small rural town who normalized tobacco use— I can say that many of my friends began sneaking around and smoking as early as middle school. I was suckered into the peer pressure of trying it before the age of 10. Although the smell was terrible and the smoke burned my lungs, I took a drag all the same in an attempt to be “cool” like the other kids. In my freshman year in high school, my close friend came to me in tears saying that her father had passed away from lung cancer. It changed things for me, seeing how her pain and loss overcame her. This change was not triggered in many of her other close friends, friends who even today continue to ask if we have lighters handy. Cigarettes are addictive, they are poisonous and they kill; sometimes more slowly for some, but in the end— they hack away at the health of the body all the same.

Health groups and organizations such as the CDC’s: Tips from Former Smokers Campaign help advocate on both a federal and state level for smokers to quit the harmful habit. “Since 2012, the CDC has been educating the public about the consequences of smoking and exposure to secondhand smoke and encouraging smokers to quit through a federally funded, national tobacco education campaign” (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2018). Campaigns such as this involve the use of what is known as participatory action research. This type of research is gathered with the intention of using comparative research rooted in empirical evidence combined with the practical interest of mankind—all with the intent to ignite change or social action. It isn’t enough to just lay out facts to medical professionals about how bad smoking is and rely on annual doctor visits to suffice, participatory action research calls on the community to spread knowledge and an informing agenda to our youth more regularly.

Participatory action research demands “greater involvement and commitment on our parts to our own communities and to addressing issues of social justice around the world” (Brydon‐Miller, 1997). It draws a connection between society and science for the betterment of mankind as a whole. “Community-based participatory research involves the equitable partnership between the researchers and members of the community that is being researched, and is aimed at creating positive community change” (Schneider, Gruman, & Coutts, 2012). In reference to this particular social issue, this means that we as a society need to diminish the socialization and acceptance of our youth smoking. This can take form through the use of advocating to the media to be held accountable for glamourizing smoking for our youth. It can be represented by parents choosing to quit smoking or even just by them choosing to have more serious conversations with their children about the dangers of smoking. It can be brought about by backing political affiliates who tout a no-smoking agenda, or even be as simple as liking a Truth about Smoking campaign on a social media platform for all your followers to see. All of these options bring about change in some way, they give meaning and a driving force to this participatory action research agenda.

References

Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. (2018, September 13). Extinguishing the Tobacco Epidemic in Washington | CDC. Retrieved April 14, 2019, from

National Institute of Health. (2009, December 9). Smoking: Then and Now. Retrieved April 14, 2019, from https://teens.drugabuse.gov/blog/post/smoking-then-and-now

Brydon‐Miller, M. (1997). Participatory action research: Psychology and social change. Journal of Social Issues, 53(4), 657-666. doi:10.1111/0022-4537.00042

Schneider, F., Gruman, J., & Coutts, L. (2012). Applied social psychology: Understanding and addressing social and practical problems. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.


07
Oct 16

Changing Health Behavior: Smoking

One thing I’d really like to do this year is give up smoking. Now, how can I use Applied Social Psychology to help me in this resolution?

One way is definitely by reading up on theories of changing health behavior and applying them to my external and internal situation. Therefore, I’ll use this blog post to discuss the health belief model, the theory of planned behavior, and the stages of change model, in the context of my resolution of giving up smoking.

First, the health belief model (Janz & Becker, 1984; Rosenstock, 1974). What are my beliefs related to the various components of the health belief model? Well, first of all, I do have an interest in staying fit and healthy, and I’d like to avoid getting cancer if possible. These are my general health values, the first component of the health belief model.

Secondly, I believe that smoking is a strong causative factor of cancer. As a smoker, I am more susceptible to cancer—therefore my perceived susceptibility to illness is high. Although I’d like to believe I’ll be one of those smokers who live to 100, I know that it is highly unlikely. I also know that cancer is deadly, and painful, and highly detrimental all around. Therefore, I perceive the severity of the illness to be quite high as well. I also think that giving up on smoking will reduce my chances of cancer—as yet, no one in my family has gotten cancer (touch wood), but no one in my family smokes either. If I give up smoking, I have a high expectation that I will be able to avoid cancer.

Now, where I do run into problems is my level of self-efficacy (Bandura, 1977a). I do not think I have what it takes to give up smoking. I have tried before, and have failed miserably. I don’t think I can give up smoking. I use cigarettes to regulate my anxiety and stress, and without cigarettes, I really don’t think I’ll be able to manage those issues, no matter how much therapy I pay for. This is a considerable barrier to my giving up smoking, even though the above-outlined benefits are many. My cue to action, which is my parents’ and peers’ heavy encouragement to stop smoking, is just not strong enough to overcome this one big barrier that looms in the way of my giving up smoking.

Next, let’s use the theory of planned behavior (Ajzen, 1991) to examine my wish to stop smoking. According to this model, there are three factors that affect my planned behavior: attitude towards behavior, subjective norms, and perceived control. My attitude toward smoking is pretty clear—it’s harmful, and I need to stop. Thus, I have a positive attitude towards stopping smoking. Subjective norms regarding smoking are a little complex—while my parents and some of my peers disapprove of my smoking, my best friend and I typically smoke together on a daily basis. It’s our bonding time, and I would be loath to give that up. My perceived control over my behavior, which is modulated by my perceived self-efficacy, is, to be honest, quite low. I’m pretty thoroughly addicted to smoking, and experience withdrawal symptoms, both psychological and physiological when I don’t smoke.

According to the theory of planned behavior, my chances of giving up smoking, though I have the wish to do so, are relatively low, given my low perceived control over my behavior. Norman, Corner, and Bell (1999) have found that smoking cessation is only likely when there is perceived control over the behavior—the odds are against me.

Finally, let’s look at the stages of change model (Prochaska & DiClemente, 1983, 1986). I used to be in the precontemplation stage of this model, because I had no intention of giving up smoking. But lately, with pressure from my family and healthcare providers, I’ve been considering giving it up more and more. So now, I am in the contemplation stage of the model. I do intend to make a change in my behavior over the next six months—hopefully I don’t end up staying in this stage for years, like many other smokers. I hope to transition to the preparation stage of this model, wherein I cut down on my smoking in preparation of stopping altogether. It may be that when I stop altogether (the action phase) I will experience relapse and go back to the contemplation phase, but I would like to make it to the maintenance stage, where I’ve gone six months without smoking.

Will I make it? We’ll just have to see!

References

Ajzen, I. (1991). The theory of planned behavior. Organizational Behavior and Human Decision Processes, 50, 179–211.

Bandura, A. (1977a). Self-efficacy: Toward a unifying theory of behavioral change. Psychological Bulletin, 84, 191–215.

Janz, N. K., & Becker, M. H. (1984). The health belief model: A decade later. Health Education Quarterly, 11, 1–47.

Norman, P., Conner, M., & Bell, R. (1999). The theory of planned behavior and smoking cessation. Health Psychology, 18, 89–94.

Prochaska, J. O., & DiClemente, C. C. (1983). Stages and processes of self-change of smoking: Toward an integrative model of change. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 51, 390–395.

Prochaska, J. O., & DiClemente, C. C. (1986). Toward a comprehensive model of change. In W. R. Miller & N. Heather (Eds.), Treating addictive behaviors: Processes of change (pp. 3–27). New York: Plenum Press.

Rosenstock, I. M. (1974). Historical origins of the health belief model. Health Education Monographs, 2, 328–335.

 

 

 


02
Nov 14

Fear Appeals

Reading over chapter nine in Applied Social Psychology: Understanding and Addressing Social and Practical Problems fear appeals stuck out to me. Instantly I recalled the numerous commercials I would see on tv for drug and tobacco prevention commercials and a recent interaction with my niece. Fear appeals have considerable amount of persuasive potential. Recently commercials aired on television have become much more graphic but present the public with important health concerns. This blog will center around Strong fear appeals and if they have an effect on the public.

According to Applied Social Psychology: Understanding and Addressing Social and Practical Problems,  Fear appeals are centered around the idea that people will be more likely to retain and pay attention to a message to change their health behaviors, if related fears are activated in the message. Fear appeals in advertisements utilize messages, images and stories designed to scare intended audience into reactions. Majority of  current fear appeals on television describe harmful behaviors such as smoking, drug use and drunk driving (Schneider, Gruman & Coutts,2005).

 

Recently I was watching Once Upon a Time (EVERYONE should watch this show! http://abc.go.com/shows/once-upon-a-time ) with my niece. During this time-slot on ABC, the network usually airs all family oriented and younger audience geared commercials. However this night a tobacco commercial aired featuring Terri Hall (see Video below) which my five year old niece Ray found especially frightening. As soon as she heard Ms. Hall’s voice on the television her eyes widened as she attentively listened to her raspy voice. By the time the commercial flashed to Ms. Hall in a hospital bed explaining how tobacco led to the decline of health my niece was literally terrified to ever have a cigarette. She immediately became afraid for my mothers health as she knows shes a smoker.

I myself have watched tobacco prevention at a younger age and particularly avoided tobacco use due to fear appeals in the media television in particular. While I would often squirm at the images and results of the tobacco use the message was always meaningful.The anti-tobacco fear appeals I witnessed had a profound effect on me.  However I still to this day do not utilize tobacco products even though both of my parents smoke as well as my two housemates.

 

Strong fear appeals may promote awareness however they are only effective when paired with a quality high efficiency message. According to Scott Geller in order for a fear appeal to be effective it must include a strong structure of the fear appeal. This includes a threat component, action component, influence factors, and the ideal audience (Geller, 2013)

 

Strong fear appeals are  not only thought provoking but also effective in producing positive health effects and behaviors. According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, Terri Hall’s commercial and ads on TV and in other media has led to more than 1.6 million Americans to attempt to quit smoking and more than 100,000 succeeding (Newsmax, 2013).

According to Kim Witte strong fear appeals produce high levels of perceived severity and susceptibility. They are also more persuasive when compared to low or weak fear appeals. Results of  Witte’s meta -analysis revealed that strong fear appeals motivate adaptive danger control actions including message acceptance and maladaptive fear control which may include defensive avoidance or reactance (Allen, Witte, 2013).

 

While recent anti-tobacco campaigns have been criticized recently for being too graphic they have profound effects. As displayed strong fear appeals are most effective in producing positive health effects and behaviors when paired with a high efficiency message. While they may not discontinue the negative behavior altogether they are successful in promoting positive health behaviors.

 

Before my mother and I  dropped Ray off at home she turned to her to my mother kissed her and said in her little voice “Aunt Netta stop smoking before I don’t have a face to kiss you on you’ll be bald like the lady too”.

 

REFERENCES

 

Allen,M. Witte,K. (2013). A Meta-Analysis of Fear Appeals: Implications for Effective Public Health Campaigns. Retrieved from: http://heb.sagepub.com/content/27/5/591.short

Geller, S. (2012). Designing an Effective Fear Appeal. Retrieved from: http://www.safetyperformance.com/DesigninganEffectiveFearAppeal.pdf
Newsmax Wires. (2013). Terri Hall Dies:Anti-Smoking Cancer Ad Campaign Star Was 53. Retrieve from: http://www.newsmax.com/TheWire/terri-hall-dies-anti-smoking-cancer/2013/09/17/id/526098/

Schneider, F., Gruman, J., & Coutts, L. (2011). Applied Social Psychology (2nd ed.). Sage publications inc.


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