Nelson’s Pillar and Similar Cases in the U.S.

As expected with the weekend, our class’s individual schedules were a bit more flexible. That being said, Saturday began with a “bang” as we visited the General Post Office, the sight of the Easter 1916 rebellion. On our tour within the building, pictures of the GPO of old featured a now-vacant statue of, as it turns out, Horatio Nelson, Britain’s most famed naval officer.

Artwork of statue of Nelson on top of a Doric column in a broad street with pedestrians and lined with buildings
Photo Credit: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/File:Lossy-page1-2658px-Nelson%27s_Pillar,_Sackville-Street,_Dublin_RMG_PU3914_(cropped).jpg

Admiral Nelson’s Statue had been sabotaged in 1966 by the IRA, in a physical manifestation of anti-British sentiment amongst Ireland’s radicals of the era. Are there any comparisons between statue-removal in the United States, and in what way’s does this tie into Irish democracy?

Admiral Nelson’s statue relates to other controversial statues in the United States because in each case, governing parties cited historical significance to justify their non-removal. Apparently, numerous attempts to remove the statue through legislation had been stalled, and Nelson’s Pillar had been defended by academics, citing an obligation for preservation.

Similarly in the United States, recent efforts to remove statues of Confederate leaders have been channeled through a mixture of social unrest and governmental action. Examples of this removal were more numerous; however, this frequency is also a function of the average statue’s smaller size.

Nelson’s Pillar relates to the United States statue-controversy because in both cases, opponents cited historical significance as the main grounds for opposition. Additionally, in the frequent cases of U.S. vandalism that resulted in statue removal, these cases represent major controversies carried out by a mixture of outside agitators and fringe* activists, as similar to the IRA’s destruction of Nelson Pillar. In neither case was this destruction unanimously approved of by the general public.

This juxtaposition relates to Irish democracy because it demonstrates people’s ability to take matters into their own hands when government is unresponsive. That being said, I can’t say with certainty that this is unique to Ireland and the United States, because it likely is not.

* I use the word “fringe” because regardless of personal opinions on statue-removal in the United States, few of us would actually conspire to unlawfully remove these statues ourselves

Reflection on the Day’s Interviews

Our group had the opportunity to interview Irish citizens after our departure from the wonderful Book of Kells exhibit, and while we could have done better in terms of quantity, the richness of the answers we received was exciting.

We started off at the Cricket Field at Trinity College, and approached a Trinity student named Ella. Ella was a fourth-year medical student who gave excellent answers about the Citizens’ Assembly and Irish democracy. However, once the cameras stopped rolling, we had a cordial discussion about our different academic experiences. I attempted to approach it from a lens of humility simply due to Trinity’s prestigious, however from the way she framed it, there was no need on my behalf. Ella confirmed what we had established about the Irish emphasis on expertise; as a medical student at Trinity, she had not taken a single non-medical course. She also confirmed that her placement into Trinity was due to perfect scores on both the standardized test and a niche one for medical school.

Outside of Trinity College, very closed-off in its architecture. Photo Credit: https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/7/76/Trinity_College%2C_Dublin%2C_Ireland_%28Front_Arch%29.jpg

Our next interviewee was also an academic, however he came from a lesser-likely setting, the park at St. Patrick’s Cathedral. Studiously reading the book Nicotine as we approached him, Mr. Keith Payne was a part-time English Literature instructor at Dublin City University, Trinity, and Oxford. Mr. Payne spoke glowingly about the European English literature education, arguing that it was more liberal in its curriculum than programs like medical school. He also added that flavors of this education were dependent on the school, Dublin City University being the most abstract curriculum, for example.

For the sake of expanding on what has already been established, one of my main takeaways was that despite these two speakers’ immense knowledge of the world, they remain humble in their abilities and confident in those of their peers to administer work like the Citizens’ Assemblies. What I hope to answer from interviewing more people, is if this confidence is roughly a shared value, or if it comes from education.

Our class had an amazing and rare opportunity to meet individuals directly interacting with the Citizens’ Assemblies in Ireland. These people, Jane Suiter, David Farrell, and former Taoiseach Leo Varadkar, each provided expert, but unique perspectives on the Citizens’ Assemblies strengths, weaknesses, and effectiveness.

Our first meeting was with Ms. Suiter and Mr. Farrell, authors of Reimagining Democracy. These guests spearheaded the conception of the Citizens’ Assemblies in Ireland, and agreed that while the Citizens’ Assemblies had been effective in achieving reforms, they had faced challenges around the most recent referendums and moving forward. Ms. Suiter argued that one of these challenges was that Citizens’ Assemblies were more effective on tackling cut-and-dry social issues such as abortion and gay marriage, and worried that because those issues had been taken off the table due to previous achievements, there was less meat for the Citizens’ Assemblies to work with. By extension, she feared that politicians were becoming less responsive to the Citizens’ Assemblies as a result. Mr. Farrell for his part argued that the main challenge Citizens’ Assemblies faced was not a lack of good issues to choose from, but a deteriorating confidence in the Citizens’ Assemblies from politicians.

In our meeting with Mr. Varadkar, he too praised the Citizens’ Assemblies for their achievements on the gay marriage and abortion referendums, and expressed regret about how he changed the Citizens’ Assemblies language for the most recent referendums. However, he defended the government’s perspective on Citizens’ Assemblies arguing that in the end, they are in advisory roles. From a practical perspective, he argued that the Citizens’ Assemblies format forced participants to think in a vacuum, in other words, it’s easy to support a host of political reforms in isolation, however when trying to implement them altogether, it’s impossible because there is only so much money. From Mr. Varadkar’s perspective, it wasn’t that he didn’t want to do everything recommended, it was that he couldn’t.

Tithe an Oireachtais/Houses of the Oireachtas
Meeting grounds for the Dáil, Irelnd’s lower house of Parliament. Photo Credit: http://piersdillonscott.com/portfolio/bringing-the-oireachtas-closer-to-irish-citizens/

These meetings offered an opportunity to meet some of Ireland’s most influential people, and provided firsthand insight that broadened my knowledge on issues surrounding the Citizens’ Assemblies. My main takeaway, which I believe Ms. Suiter and Mr. Farrell will be relieved to hear, is that there doesn’t seem to be an appetite for the government to do away with the Citizens’ Assemblies altogether. While compromises may be necessary, these come from a practical perspective on the government’s part rather than a cynical one, which is more than I could likely say for this hypothetical scenario in the U.S.

Topic: What is It, if Anything, that Unites Ireland?

Our day began with a guided tour of Dublin City, with the first landmark being the distinct, obnoxiously located Spire due east from our hotel on O’Connell Street. Although a controversial design during construction, our guide explained that the monument recognized Ireland’s youth and symbolized a keen eye towards the future.

Later, during class, a significant portion of our discussion pondered what unifies nations. One thing that I concluded from the discussion was that whether such unifying factor was a cause, a common enemy or anything else, these unifiers seemed to foster an improved environment for discourse. In other words, they provided a basis of opinion for people to agree upon, before shifting to more disputed issues.

Gallery | The Castle Hotel | Dublin City Centre Ireland
Photo Credit: https://www.castle-hotel.ie/gallery

Of course, there are material things that unite Ireland, like any country: Ireland has Guiness, the U.S. has McDonald’s. Ireland’s small, close-knit size, and the United States’s vast domain, which we take pride in. What I believe is Ireland’s unifying factor is an eagerness for advancement in the future, or in other words, to uplift the national spirit.

There are multiple examples of this desire for advancement, first starting with education: it was interesting to learn about Ireland’s emphasis on expertise and specialty as reflected by assessments at the Trinity College, another example is the election of six representatives to the Seanad by solely graduates of Trinity and Ireland’s state-supported University system.

Another example comes from a simple observation of my own. In Dublin at least, I am noticing either the words “Ireland” or “Irish,” or the Irish Flag, much more frequently than I would see paraphernalia of the United States back home.

Lastly, Ireland appears to overwhelmingly support membership in the European Union, and embraces the United Nations Sustainability Goals, often through referendums on items recommended by the Citizens’ Assemblies. Regardless of one’s personal opinions on these subjects (as many Americans, including myself, may not necessarily agree with each of these efforts), they represent a sincere effort by Ireland for societal development.

CAS 299H Pre-Departure Blog Post

As I embark on my study-abroad experience in Ireland I am excited for a blend of cultural immersion and educational inquiry. From an outside lens, this culture aspect will come naturally simply by being present, however synthesizing this course’s curriculum on Citizens’ Assemblies and Deliberative Democracy will take effort. For this reason, I read five texts pre-departure to orient myself within the discussion. Three of these writings struck me for their approach and comparability to democracy in the United States, and overall intrigue.

In Reimagining Democracy: Lessons in Deliberative Democracy from the Irish Front, the authors discussed their work to kickstart and institutionalize Citizen Assemblies – forums for people to “engage in open and constructive dialogue.”  There were two themes from that stuck out to me as a contrast from American politics:

The first difference was Ireland’s acceptance of change in democratic norms. According to the authors, the first semblance of the present Citizen Assemblies was a discussion organized in 2011 (1). Yet within this abbreviated period, these gatherings influential to the degree that multiple recommendations because of these discussions were passed by referendum (27).

From a U.S. perspective, it’s easy to ask, “how did the Citizen Assemblies become such a powerful voice in Ireland so quickly?”  Yet, when considering American history, our culture’s reverence for the 236-year-old Constitution (justifiably so), and the belated sequence of democratic reforms regarding civil rights, perhaps it isn’t Ireland that’s unorthodox; perhaps it’s us. Based off this juxtaposition, I believe Ireland’s Citizen Assemblies most fundamentally differ from American culture in these systems’ embedded appetite for systemic change.

The second contrast demonstrated regards the type of reforms (or lack thereof), Citizens’ Assemblies and American government take. These differences, I believe, are a function of the degree of involvement from ordinary citizens. In Reimaging Democracy, the authors discuss how Citizen Assemblies played a role in “breaking conservative orthodoxies,” and fostering a perception of Ireland as more tolerant (29)(2). Thus, it appears that Citizen Assemblies objectively had an impact in shifting public opinion and policy.

In the United States, however, our system includes checks and balances that enforced pre-existing norms. These guardrails were even more strict at the onset of the Constitution’s adoption, one such example being the original indirect election of U.S. Senators, as they were chosen by the respective state legislatures. It appears that Irish Citizen Assemblies represent a more people-centered democratic theory, while U.S. democracy puts greater value on protecting the status-quo.

My second reading was an article on Ireland’s March referendums and their impact on the Citizens’ Assemblies. According to the article a makeshift Citizens’ Assembly proposal was voted on in a nationwide referendum, which unexpectedly, but resoundingly failed. In comparing this situation to the United States, there is certainly a significant difference in the method of voting since the U.S. doesn’t hold nationwide referendums. However, beyond that difference, I actually believe the outcome and possible reasons for it align with American culture. First off, the article attributes the referendums failure in large part due to the government’s wording of the proposal, altering what had been recommended by the Citizen Assembly on gender equality. This change may have caused distaste with the government for fundamentally ignoring the Citizen Assembly’s recommendations. Second, as substantiated in the first paper, progressive policy experienced an abnormal winning streak, scoring referendum victories on gay marriage and abortion. Similar to the fluctuating nature of United States politics, perhaps a similar pendulum swing has occurred in Ireland.

The last article on the resignation of Ireland’s most-recent Prime Minister, Leo Varadkar, I found interesting less so because of any comparisons between the United States, but because of the reasons for his departure. In the article, Varadkar is quoted as saying “I believe this government can be re-elected – I believe a new taoiseach will be better placed than me to achieve that” (Al Jazeera). From this perspective, it appears that the rationale for his exit invokes an element of political strategy on behalf of his party, Fine Gael. Lastly, the article appears to frame the two March resolutions originally conceptualized by the Citizens’ Assembly as an impetus for Varadkar’s departure. Regardless of the outcome of these referendums, it is apparent that choices made from the Citizens’ Assemblies carry weight and/or a rippling effect in Irish politics.

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