April 10

PBL

As I have written about protests, the ones that we have heard about were the successful ones. This is not the most common outcome for a protest, depending on how large a resistance gets before something is defined as a protest, 80 to 99 percent of protests fail. Now depending on your personal political ideologies, this can be a good or bad thing. However, sometimes when protests fail, they do much more damage to a movement that any could possibly dream of.

In any modern economics class, one phenomenon that most likely will be discussed is the rapidly increasing wage divide between the highest and lowest learners. Additionally, most of these classes will be accompanied by a graph like this:

Income Inequality - Inequality.org

Or this:

The Productivity–Pay Gap | Economic Policy Institute

Who caused this problem, where the blame lies, and whether it is a real issue or not can all be argued but one of the major cause of this wealth divide is the decline of union membership that started in 1968. The power unions give workers are inarguable, as we can see in modern day auto manufacturers, where aggressive unions are found, higher wages come with them. The US decline in union membership was mainly because of one failed strike by the air traffic controllers union. Public opinion is the biggest control that the public as a whole has on politicians, whatever the general populace lets politicians get away with, they will, and in 1968 public opinion for union membership had fallen. This wasn’t because the public suddenly started hating collective organization for no reason, it was also the result of a calculated information campaign. This didn’t change the outcome of what happened however.

The PATCO or Pacific Air Traffic Controllers Organization, was the official union of air traffic controllers. They controlled the labor forces of several major airports across the seaboard, and in 1980 they ordered a strike in order to increase their pay and to demand safer working conditions. Sadly that didn’t happen, instead it resulted in the most severe crackdown on union membership in US history. The strike lasted for 2 weeks before Ronald Reagan and his administration harshly stepped in. In union culture, the act of walking over the picket line or going back to work during a strike is referred too as scabbing. When Reagan broke the strike he went much further than just hiring scabs, he used a section of federal code that stated that federal employees are forbidden from striking to fire the entire 11,000 striking workforce and hire replacements. This destabilized union cultures across the united states, as the lack of public blow back from his action, accompanied by the implicit statement that this was allowed, incentivized corporations across the the US to bring in scabs to break strikes. From a companies standpoint, this is the best option, as the non-unionized workers can often be paid less and work more than unionized workers. The story of the PATCO strike and the subsequent lack of public resentment for the actions, permanently harmed the rates of union membership in the US.

April 3

PBL Blog

Black Panther Party's Free Breakfast Program (1969-1980) •

Mutual aid may not be the form of protest that first comes to mind when the ideas of protest are invoked. In the US especially, protest tends to evoke ideas of riots or marches, typically consisting of chants and signs that most people have become numb too at this point. However, that is not the only form of protest that exists. Mutual aid was first laid out in principle by sociobiologist Perter Kropotkin, who argued that social cooperation was the first major evolution that allowed for the human race to experience the success that it has had today. His influential book “Mutual Aid” was highly influential in challenging the common ideas of social Darwinism, a mostly British political movement that argued for gutting welfare in order to have those who were the most “genetically superior” rise to the top of society. The radical idea of Mutual Aid was that humanity is strongest not when we are the most independently successful, but when we are willingly dependent upon each other. Independent of any other social ideals or movements this is not a particularity inherently radical idea, however, as modern liberalism has arisen within the United Sates, the highly individualistic politics and philosophy have been massively challenged by Mutual Aid movements around the United States.

The movement for Mutual Aid groups first arose within the United States through a pro Black organization called the Black Panthers. This group included many noted activists such as Huey P. Newton, Fred Hampton, and Angela Davis. This groups focus was on creating pro Black sentiment within the Black community, first within Califorina but then slowly throughout the entirety of the US. One of the large organizational components that allowed for the sweeping success of the movement was the free breakfast program, where the Panthers would serve free meals for the community. This created a community of people that made friends and found family around the meals the Panthers served. This challenged the US government and acted as a protest by adressing a failure that the US government has made. The community forming effects of these meals were what powered the Balck Panthers as all the other actions they took, such as more formal protests, reading programs, and other community work were made more efficient by the members of the community having built relationships with each other in a more informal manner before hand. After all, the main purposes of a protest are to intimidate legislators into enacting change, and this program worked just as well. It is why schools today have free breakfast programs across the country, a legacy that the Panthers have left even today. Modern movements have followed the Panthers blueprint, such as food not bombs and many other less famous organizations throughout the world. Mutual Aid protests run counter to many peoples preconception of a protest, and that is precisely what allows them to be as powerful as they are. In the modern day, Mutual aid is a large portion of how anti-war and anti-policing movements originate, given that they are much lower risk for those who may participate.

March 28

PBL Blog

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The Occupy movement was a socio-political movement modeled after the Arab Spring that existed in some form another form 2009 to to today. The first heartbeats of the movement came from the success of the Arab Spring, a movement I have already touched upon but in short was the first effective protest that was mostly organized through the internet. This protest first made its was to the US through students at the University of California. They occupied multiple campus buildings in order to protest the budget cuts, staff cutbacks, and tuition hikes that were severely impacting on campus activity. Little would these initial organizations know the impact this would have. The basic model of making administrative functions impossible by occupying the buildings that the functions occurred was a powerful method of resistance. The protestors drew some inspiration from the sitins of the 1960 Civil rights movements as well, as the protests were famous not only for their ability to affect movement but also for the ability of movements to last for extended periods of time. Additionally the occupy movements saw success through the sponsorship of different online anti-authoritarian movements such as Anonymous, a group of masked hackers, who benefited form being the only really known hacktivist group of the time. The different Occupy movements all had different demands of the administrations they rallied against, but it was a worldwide movement, especially across countries such as the UK, Austrialia, and mostly the US.

The Occupy movements were held together in structure mostly through the shared anti- 1% ideologies, the majority of Occupy protests were placed at the feet of banking or governmental systems. It was through this shared collective consciousness that the slogan “we are the 99%” grew to represent the movements main demands. Now what those specific demands were, really varied.

Small protests in rural areas such as Bennington Vermont pressed for things like the removal of certain banks or change of certain political institutions, while larger protests such as the most famous “Occupy Wall Street” argued for more sweeping changes, such as the destruction of the federal banking system, or the restitution of large amounts of money from the 1% back to the 99%. It may seem from an outside perspective that this protest was not that organized. You would be correct. The occupy movement became so successful and failed in equal parts from its lack of central organization. As police around the country began to crack down on the Occupy protests, many protests folded quickly. With people dispersing quickly. However to call the Occupy protests a complete failure could not be further from the truth. The protests assisted in the larger class consciousness that some people have today where the phrase “the 1%” immediately is recognizable. Additionally, almost every protest movement since occupy can trace its organizational structures to the failures that were learned from the Occupy movement.

March 26

RCL 4

The troubling history of misconduct within Penn State is not an unfamiliar problem to a single member of the Penn State student or administrative body. In the most recent “Living Our Values” survey conducted on Penn State faculty, staff, and graduate students, Only 57% of surveyed respondents believed that Penn State would be able to hold its administration accountable if an ethics violation occurred. This was a 6% decrease from when the study was last conducted, and this has been a consistent trend since the first survey was undergone in 2013.1

 

Penn State has a transparency problem, even after the reform of its ethics and compliance departments in light of the Sandusky scandal, Penn State still faces organizational mismanagement that results in the obscuring of important decisions on both a compliance and administrative oversight front. The confidence that lawmakers have in Penn State’s ability to remain an open and compliant organization to all legal mechanisms it is expected to follow has held up funding bills and been the primary force for the denial of state funds that is currently gripping Penn State.

Penn State is not unaware of this crisis, the US Federal Government made sure of this when in 2016 it leveled a record breaking 2.4 million dollar fine upon the university for its failure to properly address the Title IX violations relating to Jerry Sandusky.2 Penn State’s ethics and reporting office has improved post-Sandusky, but concerns around Penn State’s ethics and compliance division still remain unaddressed. In 2020 the University faced another criminal investigation relating to its continued lack of Title IX reporting up until the 2019-2020 school year.

This is not a crisis that can be addressed at a later date, as Penn State has chosen to do for over a decade. Through this administration’s choice to create an ethics department with procedures as obscured from public view as they are, Penn State has chosen an obligation to create robust, transparent, and trustworthy compliance procedures. This is an obligation that Penn State is currently failing.

 

As shown through the continued lack of governmental trust, both on a State and Federal level, Penn State’s ethics and compliance department still has a long way to go before an equitable and fair student accountability process can be established. This report seeks to provide a proposal for the creation of two University based positions and policies that will help to amend Penn State’s accountability process in an attempt to produce a more effective and transparent Penn State.

 

Universities, especially those that are publicly funded, maintain a special obligation to its students and the taxpayers of the state of transparency and accountability. Without this implicit agreement of trust, universities will be forced to be held accountable through the usage of legal processes and fines, all of which spend valuable tuition and taxpayer money on failures of administration.

 

These failures are slowly being purged from Penn State in the post-Sandusky era, but the work is not over yet. In recent years Penn State has been subject to legal intervention that has required more transparency in regards to the sunshine law, a law which requires Penn State’s administrative processes to be made public in return for accepting public funds.

 

While this added, legally mandated  transparency has been helpful, Penn State still has two major failures of transparency. The first is that the reporting system for Penn State misconduct still does not produce favorable outcomes for those who report misconduct, and worse it has consistently produced worse outcomes every year that Penn State’s ethics survey has been conducted. This is a problem both for the accuser and the accused when it comes to allegations of misconduct, as it shows Penn State is unable to come to satisfactory outcomes that incentivize further reports of misconduct to Penn State.

Secondly, the misconduct process is still shrouded in secrecy within Penn State. While a vast majority of students are aware of the existence of reporting processes, the specific processes that Penn State undergoes within its misconduct hearings are not clear, or well understood. This is partially to do with FERPA issues, and the confidentiality rights that students do possess, but the added scrutiny Penn State has faced in the last decade has produced an added layer of security that Penn State still fails to uphold.

 

This failure of transparency has wide reaching ethical and political ramifications that contribute both to the universities current ability to recruit new students, but also for its ability to continue to serve the community for decades to come. The University has an obligation to the taxpayers of Pennsylvania and the tuition paying students of this university to construct a trustworthy misconduct system. This system must be transparent and understandable both for the ability of students and faculty to regain their confidence in this university that has demonstrated a failure of its ethical responsibilities.

 

The current administrative process that Penn State follows for reports of misconduct goes as follows. A report is made to the body of Student Conduct and Accountability, then the Senior Director is given the opportunity to pursue alternative resolution strategies. If those strategies are not followed and the university feels it has met its fact finding burden, the accused student then is given the ability to be present in both an initial fact finding meeting, and then the student may be given an action plan that contains the university’s desired resolution process. If that plan is not followed, an administrative conference may be held in which a university fact finder determines whether a preponderance of evidence standard has been met. Throughout this process, the accused is allowed to have one advisor who is copied on any university correspondence.3 Notably, The university will not provide an advisor for a student, so if a student is unable to afford a lawyer who is familiar with the administrative process, the student may be unprepared for the administrative procedures. Additionally, this entire process is highly confidential and the university does not make its fact finding or conduct resolutions public at any time, even in larger aggregated reports like it is required to do with the investigations of university police.

 

Improvement of Penn State’s administrative hearing process can occur in two ways that can both benefit each other. Firstly, it is critical that Penn State institute students conduct advisors for those that are accused of misconduct. This would be a crucial step in removing barriers that prevent students from interacting with the student conduct process, such as international students or students with communication disabilities who may have difficulties understanding and representing themselves effectively. This is in line with other public universities such as those in California which have recently legally mandated this exact process. 4 Additionally it would allow students to better understand the administrative process and feel as though their desires are actually being effectively represented in the administrative process. Secondly, Penn State must produce a publicly available report which details things like which student conduct outcomes occurred most often, how often secondary outcomes like mediation were pursued, and how severe penalties for specific conduct violations actually were. As it currently operates, students are aware of the code of conduct, but the actual impact of violations remains unknown.

 

Penn State has an obligation to its students and the public at large  to remain accountable, not only for the actions of individual students, but also for the accountability process as a whole. In a post-Sandusky Penn State, the university still maintains some systemic failures within its student conduct system that perpetuate a culture of misconduct. Through a relatively minor restructuring of the student accountability process, Penn State can present a more honest, and realistic presentation of its accountability process. This failure to maintain the standards of transparency that public institutions are held to is a failure that Penn State has a moral duty to correct.

 

Sources

  1. https://universityethics.psu.edu/assets/uploads/documents/PSU-Living-Our-Values-Executive-Summary-15Aug202385.pdf
  2. https://www2.ed.gov/about/offices/list/ocr/docs/investigations/more/03146001-a.pdf
  3. https://studentaffairs.psu.edu/student-accountability/code-procedures/student-code-conduct
  4. https://www.kron4.com/news/bay-area/katie-meyers-law-introduced-following-suicide-of-star-stanford-soccer-player/
  5. https://www.witf.org/2023/07/19/fear-distrust-and-an-ethics-office-in-chaos-erode-penn-states-post-sandusky-reforms/

 

March 13

Civic Issue Blog

 

Magnus Hirschfeld (in glasses) holds hands with his partner, Karl Giese (center).

 

Anti-trans legislation is the newest fad sweeping legislative sessions across the United States, this concentrated legislative aggression is not foreign to the LGBTQ+ community but the newfound ferocity with which these bills have been published is shocking. According to the Trans Legislation Tracker, since 2021 over 1,440 bills have been filed in their respective state and federal legislatures regarding every trans issue from participation in sports and the military to access to gender affirming care. These bills have destabilized families and communities across the country and their impact is not theoretical. This blog started out as a historical examination of the development of the trans community inside of the United States, but it has evolved into much more as the concerted effort to erase trans people from the US became clear throughout the research process of this blog.

 

It is important to begin by stating that the people and gender identities that we now know as transgender people have existed across cultures for nearly as long as history itself has existed. Hippocrates, who is widely referred to as one of the founding voices of modern medicine reported of the enarei, or people with the male sex who dressed as women and performed the cultural role of women in 400 BCE, and there are numerous other examples of gender variance throughout history. These include groups such as intersex individuals, who are born with some combination of male and female sex characteristics, and two-spirited individuals who are members of various indigenous tribes across North America who occupied some gender varied space within the tribe. With that being said, the first large body of medical research regarding the experience of gender dysphoria and the transgender community was conducted by Magnus Hirschfeld, a German-Jewish sexologist who opened the first Gender Affirming Care clinic in 1919, that was performing the first gender affirming surgeries and hormone replacement therapies by 1930 (some of the patients are featured in the image that accompanies this blog). He conducted research that documented people who he would refer to as “transvestites” as well as people who existed outside of the gender binary such as gender-fluid and nonbinary people. This work was vital and allowed many people to live a life that more suited their desired gender presentation for the first time ever. His work and study resulted in the largest library and collection of medical research that related to the care of trans people in the world with over 20,000 books. Those who are familiar with German history around the 1930’s may not be surprised by the fate that befell the Institut für Sexualwissenschaft. In Adolf Hitler’s first act as Chancellor of Germany he passed a law that resulted in the burning of the Institut, and in that fire, large amounts of vital information regarding the care of transgender people was lost for decades. It is vital to point out that the Institut für Sexualwissenschaft was used heavily by Adolf Hitler as a political tool to reinforce the idea that German men were becoming weak, and to instill a national fervor that the Natzi political party was the solution to this “weakness”.

 

That history is the context that is needed for the second half of this essay, for fascism and transphobia are not only related, but they nearly always occur together. Modern far right political movements are using the tool of transphobia as an excuse to pass extreme legislation that strengthens the administrative power of the state. This is all done under the guise of “protecting America ” and is portrayed as a way to get revenge for the ailing communities of rural America that have become impoverished by the 2020 COVID-19 pandemic and increasing economic inequalities. As former Secretary of Labor Rober Reich points out, “Fascist politics distorts and expands this male anxiety into fear that one’s family is under existential threat from LGBTQ+ people who reject the family’s traditional structure and traditions.” This form of political targeting is specifically used as a way to crack down on the existence of the recent gains that have come from LGBTQ+ advocacy in the last 25 years. Through which, the LGBTQ community has found itself in a space where the hopeful optimism of some that there may be space in America for tolerant or progressive attitudes towards queer identities has left the once strong Queer rights movement weakened in public sentiment specifically related to trans issues. The examples of lawmakers proposing transphobic bills specifically targeted at those who are most vulnerable to transphobic arguments, such as the cases of trans women in sports or trans children attempting to transition before the age of 18, are plentiful and it is visible that that is not where the political forces behind these bill intend to stop.

 

In leaked messages from a large email thread, constituting over 3,000 total messages, the true depths to which far right voices have organized specifically in opposition to trans voices is highly visible. As Elisa Rae Shupe, a former detransitioned activist who has since disavowed her old ways puts it “Religious-right rhetoric about wanting to help children with gender dysphoria is just a front for what they do behind the scenes,It’s like they want to do as much damage to the trans community as they can.” These messages were leaked through a collaboration with trans activist Maia Crimew and news organization Mother Jones, who published the emails in full in an attempt to raise awareness of the ongoing plan to further criminalize trans life and existence within the US. The items they point to as the most pressing to draft legislation against include things like childhood healthcare and involvement with athletics, both things that have been shown to significantly reduce trans people’s chances of suicide or depression. As depressing as these topics are, they are not a done deal yet, through effective political organization and effective counter demonstration tactics, the impact upon trans people can be reversed in time.

 

Works Cited

Jones, Jeffrey M. “More Say Birth Gender Should Dictate Sports Participation.” Gallup.Com, Gallup, 7 Feb. 2024, news.gallup.com/poll/507023/say-birth-gender-dictate-sports-participation.aspx.

Pauly, Madison. Inside the Secret Working Group That Helped Push Anti-Trans Laws across the Country, Mother Jones, 8 Mar. 2023, www.motherjones.com/politics/2023/03/anti-trans-transgender-health-care-ban-legislation-bill-minors-children-lgbtq/.

Schillace, Brandy. “The Forgotten History of the World’s First Trans Clinic.” Scientific American, 20 Feb. 2024, www.scientificamerican.com/article/the-forgotten-history-of-the-worlds-first-trans-clinic/.

“Two-Spirit: Health Resources.” Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender Health, Indian Health Services, www.ihs.gov/lgbt/health/twospirit/#:~:text=Traditionally%2C%20Native%20American%20two%2Dspirit,status%20as%20two%2Dspirit%20people. Accessed 13 Mar. 2024.

What’s Really behind Republican’s Mounting Transphobia?, Robert Reich, 27 Apr. 2023, robertreich.substack.com/p/whats-really-behind-republicans-mounting.

“Tracking the Rise of Anti-Trans Bills in the U.S.” Trans Legislation, translegislation.com/learn. Accessed 13 Mar. 2024.

February 28

Passion Blog 2

Upfront I would like to address the traumatic nature of the topic I will be covering this week, in light of the two self immolation’s that have occurred this week in reference to the siege upon Gaza, I really wanted to dive further into the history and modern context that surrounds the act of setting ones body on fire for the sake of protest. (For obvious reasons I am not going to attach an image to this weeks blog. I hope you can understand why)

 

Aaron Bushnell was a 25 year old air force airmen who set himself on fire in front of the Israeli Embassy in Washington D.C. on February 25th 2024, who died while screaming Free Palestine. He is not the first person to have set himself on fire in protest of the violent acts that Israel is committing in Gaza, nor is he the first person to have set himself on fire in Washington. Self immolation has a history going back over 500 years, as many people, especially monks have used this a method of protest against regimes but a more modern history of this act begins around the inception of TV and the war in Vietnam. There are two self immolation’s that are arguably the most famous in history. The burning of Thich Quang Duc in a crowded public street to protest the unfair treatment of Buddhists in south Vietnam was the first act that gained mainstream notoriety, additionally it received a second resurgence in notoriety after after it became the album art for the Left leaning band “Rage Against the Machine.” This first act of self immolation was effectively used to convey to western audiences the true brutality of the discrimination and was the moment many protesters cite as when they began to disagree with the war in Vietnam.

The usage of immolation to provoke sentiment and awareness for the harsh realities of a war or situation also become clear when looking at the other infamous self immolation. The suicide by fire of Mohamed Bouazizi is often cited as the genesis for the 2010 Arab Spring, where his immolation set of protests for political liberation across Tunisia and the majority of Egypt and other countries around them. The images of his death acted as a mobilizing call where many Arab workers identified with his struggle and through the use of existing community support networks mobilized to not let his death be in vein. What is important to note however, is that not all immolation’s change the world. They are really only politically effective when accompanied by effective community organization that occurs as a precursor to the event. As an example of one that was less effective, Colorado climate protestor Wynn Alan Bruce, set himself on fire on the steps of the supreme court to protest the weakening of the EPA by the court. His death had much less of an effect than that of Mohamed Bouazizi  because he was not connected with other political organizations that could use his death as a motivating factor. What kind of death will Aaron Bushnell’s be, we can only wait to see.

February 28

RCL Blog 3

I felt that my discussion went as well as it could have. I was worried going into the discussion in how our team had chosen to prepare our video, I even has said to my teammate before hand that I was worried about something going wrong. Aside from that I feel our group was able to frame our discussion and solutions effectively. Our first solution was presented and moderated well, with some admittedly unwanted quiet parts where we asked questions on the issue that nobody had an answer for, however Maddie and Effie were able to come up with quick solutions that re-framed and strengthened our teams presentation. Following that, I feel like our groups presentation leading into discussion 2 was also well put together, we asked effective questions and were able to lead the class through an effective and engaging discussion that allowed people to learn more about Penn State funding. Finally discussion 3 went off the rails dude to the video breaking. I am proud of myself and how I was able to improv and come through with a somewhat decent presentation that mirrored the video well enough to let the audience and Johan access the video and information that was needed for the discussion. However I am worried how Johan will grade us for that technical failure because it is ultimately on us to address these issues in a timely and effective manner. Despite it all, I believe our group had a solid enough backing of effective and accurate financial research that allowed us to advocate for our respective approaches and be well informed enough on the subject matter that we were able to produce an effective discussion, despite the obvious failure that accompanied our group. On a personal level i am very proud of myself and how I performed in the discussion, I believe I was able to act as an effective leader within our group and actively contributed to our success in a big way.

February 11

Passion Blog 2

One of the most curious phrases in the history of protest language is the word redneck, it at times has meant a racist, a union-man, a communist, and a far right nationalist. What is not misunderstood about the phrase is its association with rural, white, workers. It was initially used as a pejorative for southern field workers who got the name for the distinctive red burns across the back of their necks from the sun, however if that meaning is the only origin of the word, it does not track how both coal miners in the rural south and rural Colorado were labeled with this slur by the private detective agencies that were placed in charge of controlling and stifling union activity among the workers. Instead it is more commonly known that the phrase redneck got its association with the mining community because of the use of red handkerchiefs to signify union allegiance among the coal miners that fought against the brutal working conditions miners faced. This was important because the handkerchief stood as a way to overcome the deliberately implemented racial tensions that many mining companies forced into their towns by placing immigrant communities in towns with each other. This incentivized the individual communities to remain isolated and to refrain from collaborating with other minority groups. This exploitation of any political divide that the miners could come up with was also used against the unionists as well, they were portrayed as “reds” or communists who sought to divide America.

However, this forced isolation and divisions enforced by the mining companies also served to foster resentment against the companies, which in turn stoked the flames of unionization as they embraced the red handkerchief as a symbol of union pride. This is not a unique tactic as across the world, the main tactic of workers parties is to reduce the divisions across race or gender and to instead heighten the awareness of the divides of class. Through the framing of all union workers as the same by them all holding the same red handkerchief, the NMU or National Miners Union were able to create communities that were solid enough to fight against the violence of the mining companies. This is where the importance of the specific color of red becomes important, as it grew to stand for the blood spilt by the union workers who were killed for sympathizing with the union. By associating the union solidarity specifically with the violence of the mining company, further indoctrination of the miners into the union became easier and easier as the proliferation of the red handkerchief started to stand for a group designed for protection against the aggression of the police and national guardsmen that were displaced in larger and larger numbers on behalf of the mining companies. The red handkerchief had become more like the uniform of an army at a certain point, and by providing the union members with a common rallying cry that disregarded the racial attitudes of previous attempts to collectively bargain, the NMU was able to successfully form a union that could fight the callous aggression of the mining communities around the US.

February 11

Civic Issue blog 1

The history of queer liberation through the understanding of gay rights and advocacy is vital to understanding the current state of LGBTQ rights across the spectrum. The primary method and construction of queer rights is through the lens of the legalization of gay marriage, however the common history lacks a large amount of  context that reveals the truth of the legalization of gay marriage. The common history goes like this, gay people always existed, but they stayed silent and were not seen until 1969 when police raided a gay bar called Stonewall. From there the stonewall riots made people aware of gay people for the first time, where the conservative and progressive ideals battled it out through the next 40 years including several supreme court cases and a brief encounter with AIDS that resulted in the legalization of gay marriage for all gay people, and now it’s more acceptable to be gay. While this story contains many elements of the truth, the reality of the story of gay marriage is much more based in the history of community organizing than any one individuals contribution to the progress of a case. The story of gay marriage is the story of thousands of unrecognized and unnamed queer people who spent their entire lives making small advances that gradually changed the social language around gay rights.

It is first vital to acknowledge the impact of historical revisionism in the language of gay history, gay and lesbian relationships have been documented in almost every culture and time period across all of mankind. From the documentation of queer behaviors of the Song, Ming, and Quing dynasties, to the written descriptions of homosexual activity among the ancient Greek and Roman empires, gay love is as old as humanity itself. Instead when Gay history is referred to it is more often meant to refer to the modern American history of political organization and advocacy.

In the United States, starting from the very founding of the nation, Victorian ideals of romance meant that lesbian relationships were much more acceptable, falling more under the label of intense friendship. Additionally in the rural communities that dominated early US organization gay or queer romance was mostly written and described using the general label of sodomy, which also included cheating and other condemned forms of relationships. It was not until the early 1800’s where two major social developments paved the way for the original formations of Gay and Lesbian organizations. Firstly the coining of the phrase homosexual, and the beginnings of the first large city, New York City. This larger grouping of people created an opportunity for large gatherings of “friends” to occur, as documented by Walt Whitman in his early work. This grouping and community then produced an intellectual movement along with it that for the first time began printing books and pamphlets defending homosexual love. This movement, along with the concurring general reduction of proper Victorian social norms led to a large wave of initial support for gay romance in the 1920’s and 1930’s that was not seen again until the 1970’s. This included a few films that documented gay relationships and music such as the song “Masculine Women, Feminine Men” which documented the rise in more flexible gender norms in that period of time. However, gay and lesbian behaviors were not without their critics, as the following wave of cultural repression caused the  first genuine sense of codified and supported homophobia throughout the 1930’s and 1940’s. This included the first documentation of homosexuality as a mental illness and the first anti gay legislation. The combination of the first real support for gay identities followed by the subsequent rise in hate showed the queer community the need for underground communities and as such the gay and lesbian communities moved mostly underground, but not without some political demonstrations at times.

Although Stonewall is cited as the first incident of gay resistance to the codified state violence against queer identities, there were documented acts of political resistance as early as 1955, a good 14 years before Stonewall. As earlier queer resistance had shown, these political organizations were mainly concentrated in large cities, such as San Francisco, Los Angeles, and New York City. The large population allowed the smaller number of gay people to still have enough people to form meaningful connections and relationships with those who were also queer. The development of these communities resulted in intentional political organizations that when coupled with a slight decrease in cultural support of traditional institutions like the church or government in the 1970’s thanks to the wars in Vietnam and Korea allowed for queer communities to couple with other political organizations such as the Black Panthers who were fighting for political freedom at the same time. This intersectional unity was the major force for change as police and other forces of the traditional political state were unable to cope with the restriction of all different movements for freedom at the same time.

This political pressure resulted in a prime opportunity for the gay community as the rise in political acceptability of queer rights and rights based speech allowed for them to press for social advancements through the supreme court. The basic strategy for the queer community was the same used by the lawyers who fought for Brown V. Board, namely defining a certain group as a protected inherent identity. This basis for identity as a means to advance rights resulted in the emergence of famous queer slogans such as “born this way.” These slogans re-framed the common identification of Gay and Lesbian folks as people who were choosing to be defiant, to instead be people who were repressed based on who they inherently were, an idea that generated much more success than any other had before. Through this legal and social strategy, gay and lesbian communities were able to carve out a place for queer children in the future, not by individual accomplishments, but rather through dedicated and persistent movements of entire communities over the course of multiple centuries.