This week’s articles center around sense of belonging/STEM identity within different communities of STEM practice. Cohen et al (2021) investigated the effects of early STEM experiences, disaggregated by gender, on STEM identity. Hughes (2018) investigated the retention of students who identify as sexual minorities in undergraduate STEM programs. Barton et al (2020) examined how co-production of knowledge in a middle school science classroom allowed students to be “powerful experts in science and engineering.”
All three articles primarily focus on situated aspects of being STEM students, i.e. how interacting with both near peers and experts impact students’ desire to engage in science learning. Barton et al takes the closest look at what individuals in the classroom were experiencing and how that experience intersects with the approach that the teacher uses. They provide interview examples of how the group of three girls that they focus on found the engineering task, particularly with its goal of solving a real world problem and the community interaction aspects, to be the first science experience that they felt engaged in and that that desire to be engaged along with the supportive structure created by Mrs. L increased their confidence that they could contribute to the class project.
Cohen et al (2020) and Hughes (2018) both take quantitative approaches to examine the impact of personal identity on STEM involvement and identity through interaction with the community of practice. Both find that environmental/group factors that impact “belonging” (not sure this is the most accurate word, but I can’t think of a better one right now) effect whether or not individuals will join and stay in scientific communities of practice. Cohen et al (2021) found that certain activities in elementary school predicted STEM identity in later life and that participation in those activities was stratified by sex, with activities that females traditionally participate in being less likely to form STEM identity. In this case, it seems like the pressure to belong to a particular community (gendered activity norms) might keep females from participating in activities that predict formation of strong STEM identities, particularly amongst white females (the only race category found to be a significant predictor in the study).
Hughes (2018) concludes that since sexual minority students are more likely than other students to switch out of STEM majors, more research needs to be done to understand how the LGBQ climate in undergraduate STEM communities of practice may cause non-retention of students. This points to an exclusion effect where a non-welcoming/hostile climate towards LGBQ students within the STEM community of practice causes these students to leave the community for a different, more welcoming community. In this case, the need to become part of a particular community of practice that is hostile towards an individual’s identity creates a barrier to entry in STEM for students who identify as sexual minorities.
All three cases are examples of the importance of the community of practice in the formation of desire to participate in STEM and how individual cognition, on its own, is not enough to make STEM accessible to everyone. Being aware of the impact of particular community practices and how those practices either help or hinder individuals from entering the practice is particularly important. These articles illustrate three aspects of the interaction between community of practice and the individual: exclusion; inclusion in one group precluding participation in developing the STEM identity needed to enter another group; and the navigation of building inclusion of students on the STEM periphery by a teacher – thus helping those students build STEM identity. These articles are examples of how the situated, group practices that people experience impact what types of learning/knowledge they relate to and want to pursue.