Droning On: American Foreign Policy

Droning On: American Foreign Policy

 

The American Society of Civil Engineers estimated in 2008 that the cost of rebuilding decayed American infrastructure would total roughly $1.6 trillion. The estimated cost of ignoring our own infrastructure is in excess of $4 trillion, plus millions of lost jobs. This cost will increase exponentially as time passes, and will eclipse the cost of the war in Afghanistan well before 2025. In fact, the price tag of American involvement in Afghanistan has a strong connection to the deterioration of our roads and bridges.

Since the year I was born, American troops have been stationed in Afghanistan. The U.S. has poured more than two trillion dollars into that effort; the interest alone paid on its debt exceeds $450 billion. In spite of this massive sum, more than 1,000 terrorist attacks occur there every year, and that number is not declining. Money that could alleviate the opioid crisis, rebuild American infrastructure, or improve education for American children is being spent on a conflict whose end is still not in sight.

American image abroad has also been hurt by this conflict, especially when accidents occur, such as the bombing of an Afghani wedding costing several dozen lives. Drone strikes have improved in their precision, but errors do arise. Media profits from shocking stories; the corpse of one child gets more attention than a thousand children who are saved. The overwhelming majority of other countries believe that the United States should pull out. More locally, Pew found that nearly two-thirds of Americans and U.S. veterans say that the war in Afghanistan was not worth fighting.

 

Additionally, the U.S. has lost thousands of servicemen and women to the fighting, including two soldiers just last month who were blown apart by an IED. The death of soldiers in Afghanistan is actually used as an argument to remain there, while the number of fatalities and crippling injuries continues to climb for future arguments.

There are still strong arguments to support a continued presence in Afghanistan. Firstly, the supermajority of Afghans support the U.S. presence, and most of the country hates the Taliban, blaming it for the violence and destruction. At the end of the day, the opinion of zombies in Europe is utterly worthless next to the opinion of the local Afghans with respect to American job performance. If anything, the discrepancy is a condemnation of a deeply biased and broken media system.

 

U.S. soldier with local Afghan children

Furthermore, the U.S. has established many local friends who could be jeopardized by a total withdrawal. The Taliban might be on the periphery now, but that could change within a few short years.  The argument that America should not withdraw simply because it has already lost troops is a thoroughly broken case. However, the position that a withdrawal could allow for a terrorist resurgence is valid, because the potential loss of life could be even higher in the long run.

 

Finally, while violence might remain rampant, the political situation has improved. The country is moving towards democracy and taking a harder stance against the production of opium. If progress continues, the country may be able to support itself in the somewhat near future without serious U.S. intervention.

There are essentially four positions to Afghanistan: increase presence, maintain presence, decrease presence, or end presence. Few believe that an increase would yield a positive result, and most are unhappy with the current situation. A total, sudden withdrawal could undo all of the progress that has been made with government reform, and would truly render the sacrifice of fallen veterans in vain. This experiment has run on nearly as long as the lifespan of this author, and yet the violence is still rampant.

 

Clearly, the current practices are not working, at least not enough to justify the cost. It is both possible and necessary to make a more permanent transition by attacking the root of the problem. More drone strikes will not fundamentally change Afghanistan. Education will. By supporting a better educational system and improving job prospects for the country, Americans can support Afghanistan’s fledgling representative government and allow it to stand on its own two feet. If the people truly do favor the government over the Taliban by a 90/4 margin, then providing advisers, education, and adequate weaponry will enable the Afghani people to handle their issues, and let the American people focus on our own.

One thought on “Droning On: American Foreign Policy

  1. My response to Droning On.
    First, a caution. Part of this well-thought essay is based on a study conducted more than five years ago. I believe some significant issues have changed. Also, the sampling and data gathering methodologies used in this Afghanistan study may not be as reliable as such activities conducted in first world nations. As a result, the published results although validly collected solid as presented, may have a greater margin of error than presented.
    Now, as to some of the statements in the study:
    “A record 92 percent of Afghans prefer the current government over the Taliban, a sentiment that’s been very widely held (by 82 to 92 percent) in nearly a decade of polling. And the public by a wide 62-36 percent rejects the notion that the Taliban has become more moderate. “
    And
    “Seventy-seven percent support the presence of U.S. forces; 67 percent say the same of NATO/ISAF forces more generally. Despite the country’s travails, eight in 10 say it was a good thing for the United States to oust the Taliban in 2001. And many more blame either the Taliban or al Qaeda for the country’s violence, 53 percent, than blame the United States, 12 percent. The latter is about half what it was in 2012, coinciding with a sharp reduction in the U.S. deployment.
    Indeed, despite economic deprivation and poor infrastructure in many locales, 73 percent rate their overall living conditions positively – up by 9 percentage points from 2013 – and 76 percent expect improvement in the year ahead. Sixty-two percent expect the new government to make progress against corruption, and nearly six in 10 expect better security and a greater ability in the next year to afford things they want and need.”
    The passages give some hope that the overall trend toward optimism is valid.
    Why might this be? I suggest it is the result of a US policy to deal with terror as close to the source as possible. Although imperfect, perhaps highly imperfect, and subject to a modern US press that is perhaps far more commercially-driven than 75 years ago (when did television begin ringing the news?), it appears that some success in reducing the footprint and home ground of terrorist organizations has had some success.
    As to the two trillion dollars Some undefined part of those dollars would have been spent by those organizations just to maintain their presence elsewhere or to develop new programs to meet the continuously present terrorist threat.
    I agree with the author that,´ By supporting a better educational system and improving job prospects for the country, Americans can support Afghanistan’s fledgling representative government and allow it to stand on its own two feet. If the people truly do favor the government over the Taliban by a 90/4 margin, then providing advisers, education, and adequate weaponry will enable the Afghani people to handle their issues, and let the American people focus on our own.
    However, for the time being, perhaps even until the author is a father himself, to maintain such a desire will require a robust military presence, most likely by the United States, until the nation is able to successfully protect its popularly voted form of government at all political levels.
    I single out the US in this, because of some inborn desire of what I think is a majority of our citizens to live in a world of peace, free from terror, totalitarianism, and tragedy.
    CLR

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